Yet, politics is only one of the various aspects framing Lebanon’s museum culture. A quick overview of the existing landscape highlights the importance of private initiatives and a significant reliance of cultural heritage preservation on the goodwill of a few wealthy families and individuals. This contrasts with the alleged absence of the state in the field of culture, although the national museum of Beirut has attained international recognition, with, for instance, its participation in April 2018 in the fourth edition of the Global Museum Leaders Colloquium, hosted by the Metropolitan Museum in New York.
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With Lebanon hosting well over a million refugees, Labaki said that the sights of begging street children compelled her to produce a film about their daily reality. Motivated to expose their ordeal, Labaki spent four years building relationships with Beirut’s most marginalized families. On her journey, she saw the dark confines where refugees and undocumented persons languish.
Civil marriage is already legal in Lebanon because of a loophole inherited from the French law, which allows people who are not affiliated with a sect to get a civil marriage. Among the dozens of Lebanese couples who tied the knot this way, the majority never had their certificate validated by the authorities, making their marriage unrecognized under Lebanese law and the children born from it unrecognized under any law. Therefore, they have no status.
30 per cent of the Lebanese population (1.5 million people) live on less than $4 per day, or $120 per month, and about 300,000 people live on less than $2.5 per day, which is insufficient to meet their basic food needs. Unemployment rates have remained steady, rising from 6.2 per cent in 2016 to 6.3 per cent in 2017, with an average of 7.56 per cent from 1991 until 2017. However, inflation stood at 3.17 per cent in January 2019, with the price of food and non-alcoholic drinks rising faster than other consumer goods.
t is also hard to see what is next for Hezbollah, either in Lebanon or the rest of the region, as the Syrian war grinds on. Even if it does end soon, Israel is still across the Lebanese border, gunning for a final showdown with its longtime enemy. If that happens, it is difficult to know how Hezbollah will respond, although it might get more assistance from its allies, which it has loyally supported for years.
Pressure is heavy on Al Hassan’s shoulders, as she will have to manage not only an important and risky ministry in a region always shaken up by war and conflicts, but to prove that as a woman, she can do it as well as any male counterpart. Al Hassan’s example and lead could change the face of female political representation in Lebanon. It is a lot of pressure to handle, but she seems prepared for the challenge.
Some of these opponents denounce Boutros’ support of the movement and consider her concerts to be more like pro-Hezbollah rallies than purely artistic events. However, both supporters and opponents unanimously believe that Boutros has a beautiful voice as well as artistic and ethical commitment. Her voice has been used in many protests and demonstrations held by political parties and civil groups.
In April 2018, Gemayel said he was against a budget clause he claimed would benefit Syrian refugees looking to settle in Lebanon. Article 50 of the 2018 state budget grants residency to foreign nationals who buy an apartment of at least $500,000 in Beirut and $330,000 elsewhere. Gemayel has taken a similar stance on Palestinian refugees, opposing a proposal that would allow them to work and own property, saying it would be the first step to naturalizing them and therefore unconstitutional.
Following the beginning of the Syrian civil war in 2011, he claimed that the regime of President Bashar al-Assad was responsible for creating the radical jihadist al-Nusra Front. However, he remains politically active, despite confirming Taymour as his political heir in March 2017. For example, he blamed Saudi Arabia for the resignation of Lebanese Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri in November 2017.