After its independence in 1956, Tunisia followed a progressive social agenda. The country sought developing its economy under the rule of two presidents who remained in their position for a long time; Habib Bourguiba and Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. However, Tunisia remained an authoritarian state ruled by a powerful ruling party until the Jasmine Revolution broke out in 2011.

Gross domestic product (GDP) in 2015 was $43 billion, compared with $47.6 billion in 2014 and $46.2 billion in 2013. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicts that GDP in 2017 will grow by 2.8 per cent, compared with 1.5 per cent in 2016 and 0.8 per cent in 2015. GDP per capita in 2015 was $3,923. Inflation in 2017 is expected to be 3.9 per cent, compared with 3.7 per cent in 2016 and 4.9 per cent in 2015.

Despite these setbacks, Mathlouthi continues to thrive professionally and dedicate her art to political causes, as she stated in an interview for Okay Africa. “We have to still feel the pain of others. That’s the basis of us not going towards dehumanization. That’s my big point. So that’s political. I just hate the word political today more than ever because it’s so dirty. Art has to find a new definition to fight, to be associated with. I think that my art is always going to be concerned. I feel more comfortable adding [that term] to my art than adding the term political.”

Cynics could argue that the boy cannot be disappointed since kais Saied made voters no promises during his ‘explanatory’ campaign. Realistically, Tunisia’s political context is not conducive to success, but for some voters at least, Saied’s election is a victory in itself.

Despite the rise of new political movements, none of them seems to offer a substantive political platform capable of harnessing the activism of young protestors in neglected cities outside the capital Tunis, who are still demonstrating daily for better socio-economic conditions.

Clearly, there is no shortage of compelling stories to inspire Tunisian writers. Whether they can inspire Tunisian readers to open their wallets is less certain.

Tunisian’s anti-terrorism law, approved in July 2015, was a reaction to the panic following the major attacks that year. Human rights organizations said that the law could open the door to practices tantamount to torture and have an authoritarian backlash.

Tunisian filmmakers have shared their anxieties and personal perspectives in feature films and documentaries with a political message. Between 2011 and 2018, at least four feature films addressed radicalisation and other frequent topics about the position of women, the struggles of the youth as well as the changing parent-child relationships in Tunisian society. Some of these films have received financial support from international donors, but filmmakers often prefer to ensure their independence and turn therefore to low-budget films.

Before 2011, self-immolation was the third or fourth most common method of suicide. Most of these cases were related to mental illness, marital conflicts (especially women) and financial problems, and took place in the victim’s home. After the revolution, the same studies reported a threefold increase in self-immolation. Specifically, self-immolation in public spaces and outside public administration buildings rapidly expanded. Simultaneously, more suicides were motivated by financial hardship or a conflict with a state representative.

It appears that figures from Tunisia’s old regime have entered the democratic process and provided the world with a guide on how to make democracy look bad. It is within this context that the PDL can flourish, while leveraging the benefits of being an outsider.