Chronicle of the Middle East and North Africa

Occupation as Cause of Israel’s Democratic Erosion

The protests against Netanyahu’s dismissal of Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar reflect deeper democratic decay—rooted in decades of Palestinian repression. Occupation fosters ultranationalism, zealotry, and authoritarianism, corroding Israel’s democracy from within.

Israel’s Democratic Erosion
JERUSALEM – MARCH 25: Israelis, holding Israeli flags, banners and chanting slogans against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and politicians in his government, gather in front of the Prime Minister’s Office in West Jerusalem on March 25, 2025. Israeli demonstrators demanded the continuation of the swap process between Hamas and Israel, a complete end to the war in Gaza and the return of Israelis from Gaza. Photo by Mostafa Alkharouf / ANADOLU / Anadolu via AFP

Erwin van Veen

Thousands of Israelis are taking to the streets because of Prime Minister Netanyahu’s intention to fire the head of the Shin Bet, Ronen Bar. Alon Pinkas suggested in Haaretz that Israel’s ‘Weimar moment’ has arrived, which is to say that institutions crucial to the maintenance of democracy risk being fatally degraded.

Yet, the erosion of Israeli democracy has less to do with Prime Minister Netanyahu than one might think. Ultimately, Israel’s slide towards an electoral autocracy is a consequence of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians since 1967 – the start of occupation – or perhaps even 1948 – Israel’s first forced mass displacement of Palestinians.

This is the case because, in the long run, a democracy cannot repress and occupy another people without doing increasing moral and mental damage to itself. The methods required to maintain control over unwilling ‘outsiders’ (here: Palestinians) are necessarily authoritarian and contrast too blatantly with the democratic rights of self-determination, human dignity and the rule of law that prevail among ‘insiders’ (here: Israelis). The cognitive dissonance that results from this gap demands that outsiders are turned into an existential threat, or even dehumanized. In cases of permanent repression under the condition of approximate population parity, as in Israel-Palestine, permanent control demands apartheid with all its visible injustices.

In particular, a democracy that institutionalizes and popularizes a settlement enterprise based on a mix of nationalist and religious claims to land can expect ultra-nationalists and zealots to emerge. The worldview of such groups typically applies to the opposing outgroup (here: Palestinians) as well as to their ingroup (here: fellow-Israelis). Eric Hoffer’s (1951) ‘The True Believer’ remains insightful on this point. Ultranationalism and zealotry ultimately make firing Ronen Bar the corollary of repressing Palestinians.

The professionals of Israel’s security services are as much part of this problem as the zealots. In ensuring national security in the context of a settlement enterprise, security professionals merely prepare for the next stage of forced displacement and dispossession of Palestinians due to the growth of ultra-nationalism and zealotry that their protection enables at the same time. Occupation requires repression, repression tends to generate resistance, and resistance invites more repression.

Yes, there are thousands of Israelis protesting the resumption of the war in Gaza. Various Haaretz articles and opinion polls by the Israel Democracy Institute indicate, however, that they do not primarily take to the streets in empathy with the slaughter and displacement of Gaza’s Palestinian population. Rather, they protest their government’s decision to prioritize repression and settlement over the lives of the remaining hostages. However, its decision is only a logical step towards authoritarianism rooted in occupation.

About the writer

Erwin van Veen is a senior research fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit, and head of its Middle East programme

user placeholder
written by
Dima
All Dima articles