Tunisian’s anti-terrorism law, approved in July 2015, was a reaction to the panic following the major attacks that year. Human rights organizations said that the law could open the door to practices tantamount to torture and have an authoritarian backlash.

Tunisian filmmakers have shared their anxieties and personal perspectives in feature films and documentaries with a political message. Between 2011 and 2018, at least four feature films addressed radicalisation and other frequent topics about the position of women, the struggles of the youth as well as the changing parent-child relationships in Tunisian society. Some of these films have received financial support from international donors, but filmmakers often prefer to ensure their independence and turn therefore to low-budget films.

Before 2011, self-immolation was the third or fourth most common method of suicide. Most of these cases were related to mental illness, marital conflicts (especially women) and financial problems, and took place in the victim’s home. After the revolution, the same studies reported a threefold increase in self-immolation. Specifically, self-immolation in public spaces and outside public administration buildings rapidly expanded. Simultaneously, more suicides were motivated by financial hardship or a conflict with a state representative.

It appears that figures from Tunisia’s old regime have entered the democratic process and provided the world with a guide on how to make democracy look bad. It is within this context that the PDL can flourish, while leveraging the benefits of being an outsider.

Tunisia is tending towards a hybrid system. The crucial point here is that such a hybrid system would probably not be able to carry out the key reforms which both the international com­munity and the Tunisian population ex­pect. Reforming the state apparatus and highly corrupt economic structures is im­perative to ensure sustainable social and political stability in Tunisia. Preventing hybrid political structures from becoming entrenched is therefore of critical importance.

Abandoned hospitals, empty schools, deserted government buildings: Tunisia’s cities seemed like ghost towns on 17 January 2019. A nationwide public sector strike organized by the powerful Tunisian General Labour Union (UGGT) received mass support and solidarity from both the public and private sector with, according to the union, participation by more than 90 per cent of the 677,000 civil servants and 350,000 of the employees in public sector enterprises, representing a quarter of the population.

Despite these setbacks, Mathlouthi continues to thrive professionally and dedicate her art to political causes, as she stated in an interview for Okay Africa. “We have to still feel the pain of others. That’s the basis of us not going towards dehumanization. That’s my big point. So that’s political. I just hate the word political today more than ever because it’s so dirty. Art has to find a new definition to fight, to be associated with. I think that my art is always going to be concerned. I feel more comfortable adding [that term] to my art than adding the term political.”

In Morocco, bill imposes tougher penalties on perpetrators of various types of violence committed both in the private and public spheres, including rape, sexual harassment and domestic abuse, and includes ae definition of sexual harassment, including unsolicited acts and statements or signals of a sexual nature, delivered in person, online or via telephone.

Tunisia has come a long way since Ben Ali’s repressive rule, but it still has a long way to go to become a country where human rights are fully respected.

Historically, January has been the month of social unrest: from the infamous bread riots in January 1984, to the revolution in January 2011 and the protests over high unemployment in January 2016. Although all of them were violently suppressed, most resulted in major regime change, whether it be ousters, resignations, or in one case, exile. What it will be this time around only time will tell.