Feminism in the 21st century has morphed into a multifaceted battle. Tunisian LGBTQ+ activists are engaged in a threefold struggle: against the patriarchy, the dominant ‘Western model’ and ‘constructed identities’. They are undeniably more visible than ever.

Cynics could argue that the boy cannot be disappointed since kais Saied made voters no promises during his ‘explanatory’ campaign. Realistically, Tunisia’s political context is not conducive to success, but for some voters at least, Saied’s election is a victory in itself.

Despite the rise of new political movements, none of them seems to offer a substantive political platform capable of harnessing the activism of young protestors in neglected cities outside the capital Tunis, who are still demonstrating daily for better socio-economic conditions.

Clearly, there is no shortage of compelling stories to inspire Tunisian writers. Whether they can inspire Tunisian readers to open their wallets is less certain.

Tunisian’s anti-terrorism law, approved in July 2015, was a reaction to the panic following the major attacks that year. Human rights organizations said that the law could open the door to practices tantamount to torture and have an authoritarian backlash.

Tunisian filmmakers have shared their anxieties and personal perspectives in feature films and documentaries with a political message. Between 2011 and 2018, at least four feature films addressed radicalisation and other frequent topics about the position of women, the struggles of the youth as well as the changing parent-child relationships in Tunisian society. Some of these films have received financial support from international donors, but filmmakers often prefer to ensure their independence and turn therefore to low-budget films.

Before 2011, self-immolation was the third or fourth most common method of suicide. Most of these cases were related to mental illness, marital conflicts (especially women) and financial problems, and took place in the victim’s home. After the revolution, the same studies reported a threefold increase in self-immolation. Specifically, self-immolation in public spaces and outside public administration buildings rapidly expanded. Simultaneously, more suicides were motivated by financial hardship or a conflict with a state representative.

It appears that figures from Tunisia’s old regime have entered the democratic process and provided the world with a guide on how to make democracy look bad. It is within this context that the PDL can flourish, while leveraging the benefits of being an outsider.

Tunisia is tending towards a hybrid system. The crucial point here is that such a hybrid system would probably not be able to carry out the key reforms which both the international com­munity and the Tunisian population ex­pect. Reforming the state apparatus and highly corrupt economic structures is im­perative to ensure sustainable social and political stability in Tunisia. Preventing hybrid political structures from becoming entrenched is therefore of critical importance.

Abandoned hospitals, empty schools, deserted government buildings: Tunisia’s cities seemed like ghost towns on 17 January 2019. A nationwide public sector strike organized by the powerful Tunisian General Labour Union (UGGT) received mass support and solidarity from both the public and private sector with, according to the union, participation by more than 90 per cent of the 677,000 civil servants and 350,000 of the employees in public sector enterprises, representing a quarter of the population.